LISS.398A TECHNOLOGY, ENVIRONMENT and HUMAN ADAPTATION:
PART II PRE-EUROPEAN MESOAMERICA



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SOCIAL EVOLUTION: SOCIAL SYSTEMS VOCABULARY

What I'’m calling ‘the social systems vocabula ( Blanton, et. al. ‘93) invites us to place a society in a four-dimensional space whose coordinates are:scale,complexity,integration, and boundedness.

Each of these dimensions tells us something about how the social units that are parts of a society relate to each other and to units outside the society. We might think of the basic social units --individual people -- as social atoms which combine in a variety of specific ways into compound social units -- households, families, kin-groups, villages, districts, regions, etc. Societies are just collection of such units that interact strongly with each other and weakly (if at all) with other units. Just how one makes this notion of interactiont more precise will be dealt with below.

Social units “do things” like produce maize, consume pottery, go to war, etc.. We might think of the things that social units might do as comprising a set of activities. All the things that social units might do (within the bounds of available technology) are on this list. But, any given social unit need only do a few things on the list.

With this picture, we can understand the social systems vocabulary in the following way.

SCALE

Scale is simply the size of the society in terms either of number of units (atomic or specific kinds of compound units) or spatial area. The most obvious measure of scale is simply population -- the number of atomic units.

COMPLEXITY

Complexity is a measure of the extent to which different social units in the society actually do different things - - engage in different activities -- or exhibit functional differentiation. A society in which every village grows maize is less complex than one in which some villages grow maize, others grow tomatoes and still others grow avocados.

At least two interesting types of complexity may be distinguished horizontal complexity and vertical complexity. To make this distinction, we need to talk about a part of relation among social units.

Clearly, from the above examples, some social units are part of other social units. Note that some social units, a household, might be a part of other social units, a clan and a village. But, the clan and village need not stand in the part ofpart of relation is a partial ordering of the set of social units comprising a society.

Using the part of relation one can define levels of social units. Roughly, two social units are at the same level if all the “chains “ of the part of relation connecting them with atomic units are the same length. The idea is that villages will turn out to be social units of the same level (level two) because households are part of and individual people (social atoms) are part of households. We can then group all the social units at the same level with a given unit into a level. And, in fact, the set of levels will divides up the set of social units into mutually exclusive and jointly exhaustive sets. (This is because, assuming we take care in defining it, the same level relation will be what the mathematicians call an ‘equivalence relation’.) Now horizontal complexity is a measure of the extent to which social units in the same level engage in different activities. For example, assuming that there is township-level of social unit just above the village-level. Villages are part of townships (as here conceived). A situation in which all townships (located in a central town) had markets and temples would exhibit less horizontal complexity than a situation in which some towns had only markets , others had only temples and still other had both markets and temples.

Similarly, vertical complexity is a measure of the extent to which social units at different levels engage in different activities. For example, a situation in which both townships and villages had temples would exhibit less vertical complexity than a situation in which villages lacked temples, but townships had them.

The concept of horizontal complexity may be used to capture at least part of the concepts of social structure and social status in the social institutional vocabulary. At least part of what is involve in difference in social status among households, families and kin-groups is simply that they do different

INTEGRATION

The social units that are part of another unit, the households that are part of a village, need not interact in any interesting way. The part of relation might be just an arbitrary collecting together of things. But , sometimes there will be interesting ways in which parts of things interact with the thing of which they are a part. Integration is a measure of the degree to which parts of a society interact in interesting ways.

Most (quite possibly all) interesting way that social units can interact involve moving something from one unit to another. Among the things that might flow from one social unit to another constituting an interesting interaction are:

People
i. e. atomic social units
Physical objects
e.g. baskets of maize, pieces of obsidian, pots
Energy
e. g. the energy equivalent> of physical objects like baskets of maize
Information
e.g. facts about activities undertaken by the “donor unit” than influence the activities undertaking by “recipient unit”
Some scholars have attempted to simplify the concept of interesting interaction by picking just one thing that moves around among social units and reducing all other interaction to the movement of this thing. Common candidates for this one thing that moves around are energy and information

It is not implausible to think that every interesting thing that moves among social units can be reduced to an energy equivalent. Maize can be converted into food calories; people can be persuaded to convert food energy into work in maize fields (or simply eaten straightway); pieces of obsidian embody the energy expended to produce and transport them. A view of this sort has been elaborated in some detail in Adams, ‘75 and ‘81,

Reducing all interesting interactions to information flow requires us to agree that the only interesting thing about societies is how the activities of one social unit influence the activities of another. More explicitly, one might think of social units having strategies of the form:

Do activity A when U1 does A1, U2 does A2....Un does An.
Thus the flow information of the sort needed to trigger such strategies would be important to understanding influence among social units. It’s not too far fetched to think that this information is sometimes (frequently, always ?) embodied in the flow of physical objects like baskets of maize.

A little reflection here suggest that one might even be able to arrive at a quantitative concept of interaction in terms of strategies alone, without utilizing the concept of information at all. All we need to look at is how many activities of a unit are influenced/determined by the activities of another unit.

BOUNDEDNESS

Societies and their sub-units have boundaries which may be defined in terms of interaction among units. Up to now, we have been thinking of social units simply as collections or sets of other units. A somewhat more subtle conception of social unit might be developed by drawing the boundaries of units at places where interactions are relatively thin. That is, what makes a household a social unit is the fact that its members interact more strongly with each other than with members of other households. But, members of one household do interact to some extent with members of other households so that the boundaries between households are fuzzy. This suggest that one might develop a concept of social unit as fuzzy set derived from a clustering process based on strength of interactions. For an idea of how this might work see Sneed ‘83 .
Colorado School of Mines
Division of Liberal Arts and International Studies
Dr. Joseph D. Sneed
jsneed@mines.edu
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